MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman
MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman book cover

MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman

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Crown
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“Brilliant xa0. . . clear and convincing xa0. . . a detailed and disturbing portrait of Saudi Arabia’s crown prince . . . The book’s strength is the thoroughness of its reporting.” —Christopher Dickey, The New York Times Book Review “A devastating profile of the Saudi prince who rose rapidly to become one of the Middle East’s most powerful players—and one of the world’s most ruthless leaders . . . Ben Hubbard has provided a chilling and occasionally horrifying portrait of a man known worldwide simply by his initials: MBS. It’s a captivating read.” —Robin Wright, author of Rock the Casbah “An elegant writer, the multilingual veteran Middle East correspondent Ben Hubbard is exactly the right person to draw this portrait of the most important leader in that part of the world today. His fast-paced narrative never flags or avoids dark corners. I found it riveting.” —Adam Hochschild, author of King Leopold’s Ghost “Can we trust this mysterious prince with our oil supplies, with our friendship—with the prospects of peace in the Middle East?xa0 If anyone can give us the answers to these life-and-death questions, it is the brilliant and compulsively readable Ben Hubbard.” —Robert Lacey, author of The Kingdom and Inside the Kingdom “Is Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince and de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia, a modernizer or a murderer? Through dogged research and a remarkable ability to navigate the labyrinth that is Saudi society, Hubbard makes clear the answer is ‘both.’ MBS is a devastating portrait of the young and increasingly despotic prince whom President Trump calls ‘a very great friend.’ . . .xa0Essential reading.” —Scott Anderson, author of Lawrence in Arabia “Riveting. . . . fascinating. . . .xa0axa0fine example of talented and dogged reporting . . . an impressively well-sourced work . . .xa0Ben Hubbard’s thoroughly researched study of the Saudi crown prince is full of chilling detail.”— Ian Black, The Guardian “In this engaging account, Ben Hubbard shows both sides of the story, bringing his narrative alive with a host of insights, conversations, anecdotes and details.” —Malise Ruthven, Financial Times “Excellent . . . gripping . . . compelling . . . an accessible biography that does not stray into sensationalism but helps make sense of all the recent headlines around the impulsive—and, one could argue, dangerous—young prince.” —Kim Ghattas, New Statesman “Here’s a biography of MBS by a brilliant journalist whom he hasn’t managed to muzzle.” —Nicholas Kristof “An excellent account of the life and the background of the most consequential new figure in the Middle East in our time.xa0. . . It’s a frightening picture.” —Bruce Riedel,xa0Lawfare Ben Hubbard has spent more than a dozen years reporting in the Middle East, where he is the Beirut bureau chief for The New York Times . --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition. Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved. Chapter 1The KingdomIn 1996, a British-Algerian man teaching at an elite school in Jeddah on Saudi Arabia’s west coast got a unique job offer. A prince named Salman bin Abdulaziz was coming to town for a few months with one of his wives and her children, and the family was looking for an English tutor.The teacher, Rachid Sekkai, knew a bit about Prince Salman. He was the governor of Riyadh Province, which put him in charge of the Saudi capital, and he was a son of the king who had founded Saudi Arabia, granting him high status among the thousands of princes and princesses who made up the royal family. The job sounded interesting, and would probably pay well, so Sekkai accepted, and for the next few months a chauffeur picked him up from school at the end of the workday and drove him to the royal compound where Salman and his family were staying.Entering for the first time, Sekkai saw “a series of jaw-dropping villas with immaculate gardens maintained by workers in white uniforms.” He passed a parking lot full of luxury cars, including what appeared to be the first pink Cadillac he had ever seen in real life. At the palace, he met his charges: Salman’s four sons from his second wife, the eldest of whom was a mischievous 11-year-old named Mohammed bin Salman.The young princes clearly had more interest in playing than in studying, but Sekkai did his best to keep the younger boys focused, an effort that collapsed when MBS showed up.“As the oldest of his siblings, he seemed to be allowed to do as he pleased,” Sekkai recalled. During the lessons, MBS would take a walkie-talkie from one of the guards to make “cheeky remarks” about his instructor and joke with the guards on the other end of the line to regale his siblings.After a few lessons, MBS informed Sekkai that his mother considered the tutor “a true gentleman.” Sekkai was surprised, as Saudi Arabia’s gender segregation had prevented him from meeting the mother, much less giving her a chance to assess his character. Then he realized that she had been watching him through the surveillance cameras on the walls.That left him feeling self-conscious, but he pressed on. The boys did not make much progress in English, and into his late twenties, MBS avoided speaking the language in public. They made even less progress in French, which the princes’ mother requested that Sekkai add to the curriculum. But by the end of his tenure, Sekkai had grown fond of the spirited young MBS, years later recalling his “imposing personality.” Sekkai assumed it came from his status as the eldest of his mother’s sons and the attention his immediate family lavished on him.“He was the admired figure, which gave him that sense of ‘I am in charge here,’u2009” Sekkai said. “In that palace, he was the one that everybody looked after. He got the attention of everybody.”MBS’s father, Salman bin Abdulaziz, was a handsome, hardworking prince with jet black hair, a goatee, and a reputation for rectitude and toughness. When he traveled abroad, he sported suits with wide lapels and striped ties that invited comparisons to Wall Street bankers or characters from James Bond films. At home, he wore traditional, princely regalia and presided over the Saudi capital and surrounding areas as the governor of Riyadh. Residents joked that they could set their watches to the sight of his convoy heading to work in the morning, hours before other princes got out of bed. To run the capital, he kept tabs on the area’s tribes, clerics, and big clans—including his own. For years, he was the disciplinarian of the royal family. If a fight between royal cousins over a piece of real estate got out of hand, if a princess bailed on an astronomical hotel bill in Paris, if a prince got drunk and caused a scandal, it was Salman who would bring down the hammer, locking up egregious offenders in his own private jail.“I have several princes in my prison at this moment,” he bragged to the British writer Robert Lacey. An American diplomat wrote that Salman had stopped one of his brother’s from complaining about a new regulation by telling him to “shut up and get back to work.”No one would play a greater role than Salman in propelling MBS’s rise.Salman traversed the titanic changes that revolutionized life in Saudi Arabia during the 20th century. He was a scion of a dynasty that had twice failed to create a kingdom in central Arabia before succeeding so phenomenally that the desert-dwellers who had pioneered the idea would have had a hard time believing how it ended up.In the mid-1700s, in a sunbaked oasis of mud houses and date palms, Salman’s ancestors had made the first attempt, when a chieftain named Mohammed Ibn Saud created the first Saudi proto-state around his home village of Diriyah. Mohammed was not from one of the major tribes that formed the primary social structure of Arabia at the time. Instead, the Al Saud were settled farmers who grew dates and invested in trade caravans.Battles between tribes and clans were common, but Mohammed got an edge by forming an alliance with a fundamentalist cleric that underpinned how Arabia was ruled for generations to come. Sheikh Mohammed Ibn Abdul-Wahhab preached that Islam had been corrupted by traditional Arabian practices such as the veneration of idols and trees. He called for a purification of the religion by rooting out “innovations” and returning to the practices of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions centuries before. The sheikh’s views got him chased from his hometown, and he sought refuge in Diriyah, where the Al Saud bound his religious message to their political project.The alliance benefited both parties. Backed by Ibn Abdul-Wahhab, the Al Saud were no longer just another Arabian clan out for power, but crusaders for the one true faith. In exchange, they gave the sheikh and his descendants control over religious and social affairs. The alliance proved to be potent, and as the first Saudi state grew, those communities that refused the sheikh’s message were branded infidels who deserved the sword.When the state’s territory expanded to include the Islamic holy sites in Mecca and Medina, the Ottomans struck back by sending troops that toppled the state, reduced Diriyah to rubble, and scattered the surviving members of the Al Saud. Their descendants tried to reestablish the state in the 19th century in the nearby town of Riyadh, but the effort collapsed in infighting over who should be in charge.In the early 20th century, a descendent of the Al Saud named Abdulaziz—MBS’s grandfather—revived the campaign to conquer the land of his forefathers. He led troops on camelback and reestablished the alliance with the descendants of Ibn Abdul-Wahhab, who provided religious justification for his rule. Over three decades, Abdulaziz brought much of Arabia under his control, ruling it from the new capital, Riyadh.But the rise of this new, fundamentalist polity disconcerted the Western powers who were establishing themselves around the Persian Gulf, and King Abdulaziz faced a choice: to continue expansionary jihad, which would have invited conflict with the British, or to create a modern state. He chose the latter, and declared the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932.Saudi Arabia would most likely have remained a desert backwater of minor interest to the rest of the world had it not been for the discovery of oil in 1938. That attracted speculators, technicians, oil companies, and representatives of Western governments seeking access to the kingdom’s black gold, including the United States. In a secret meeting in 1945 between President Franklin D. Roosevelt and King Abdulaziz aboard an American warship in the Suez Canal, the two leaders hit it off, reaching a lasting agreement that guaranteed American access to Saudi oil in exchange for American protection from foreign attacks. That arrangement became a pillar of American policy in the Middle East into the next century.The influx of oil wealth turbocharged the inheritances from the kingdom’s history. The Saudis financed the international propagation of Ibn Abdul-Wahhab’s teachings, making Wahhabism a global religious force. Saudi Aramco, the kingdom’s oil monopoly, became the world’s most valuable company—by far. The Al Saud became one of the world’s wealthiest dynasties. By the time of his death in 1953, King Abdulaziz had married at least eighteen women and fathered thirty-six sons and twenty-seven daughters. His offspring did not skimp on procreation either, expanding into a sprawling clan whose country bore their name and who enjoyed tremendous wealth and privilege.There were thousands of them, all subsidized by the Saudi state. In 1996, an American diplomat visited the office that distributed their monthly stipends and found a stream of servants picking up their masters’ allowances, which varied based on their status. The sons and daughters of King Abdulaziz received up to $270,000, his grandchildren up to $27,000, and his great-grandchildren $13,000. The most distant relatives got $800. Princes also got million-dollar bonuses to build palaces when they got married, as well as perks for having children. The diplomat estimated that the stipends cost the state more than $2 billion per year, but that was merely a guess. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition. Read more

Features & Highlights

  • A
  • NEW YORK TIMES
  • EDITORS
  • CHOICE • A gripping, behind-the-scenes portrait of the rise of Saudi Arabia’s secretive and mercurial new ruler
  • “Revelatory . . . a vivid portrait of how MBS has altered the kingdom during his half-decade of rule.”—
  • The Washington Post
  • Finalist for the PEN/Jacqueline Bograd Weld Award •
  • ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR:
  • Financial Times, Foreign Affairs, Kirkus Reviews
  • MBS
  • is the untold story of how a mysterious young prince emerged from Saudi Arabia’s sprawling royal family to overhaul the economy and society of the richest country in the Middle East—and gather as much power as possible into his own hands. Since his father, King Salman, ascended to the throne in 2015, Mohammed bin Salman has leveraged his influence to restructure the kingdom’s economy, loosen its strict Islamic social codes, and confront its enemies around the region, especially Iran. That vision won him fans at home and on Wall Street, in Silicon Valley, in Hollywood, and at the White House, where President Trump embraced the prince as a key player in his own vision for the Middle East. But over time, the sheen of the visionary young reformer has become tarnished, leaving many struggling to determine whether MBS is in fact a rising dictator whose inexperience and rash decisions are destabilizing the world’s most volatile region. Based on years of reporting and hundreds of interviews,
  • MBS
  • reveals the machinations behind the kingdom’s catastrophic military intervention in Yemen, the bizarre detention of princes and businessmen in the Riyadh Ritz-Carlton, and the shifting Saudi relationships with Israel and the United States. And finally, it sheds new light on the greatest scandal of the young autocrat’s rise: the brutal killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi agents in Istanbul, a crime that shook Saudi Arabia’s relationship with Washington and left the world wondering whether MBS could get away with murder.
  • MBS
  • is a riveting, eye-opening account of how the young prince has wielded vast powers to reshape his kingdom and the world around him.
  • Praise for
  • MBS
  • “Saudi Arabia is testing the extremes of tradition and innovation, of half-baked visions and intensifying repression. Ben Hubbard’s authoritative reporting on the inner sanctums of its society offers a perfect synthesis of journalism and area expertise: the best description we have at the moment of why things happen as they do in the kingdom.”
  • —Robert D. Kaplan, author of
  • The Return of Marco Polo’s World

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Most Helpful Reviews

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Stunningly Researched, Absolutely Gripping, All Around Fantastic

My first thought, upon seeing this biography, was “what’s the point in writing a biography of a dude in his 30’s? Then, the more I thought about who MBS is, and all the events that have circled around this dude, the more I realized that there might be a huge point, and it might be very worth reading… so I bought it.

And I couldn’t put it down.

I couldn’t stop thinking about it.

It is that good.

Now, first you have to understand that Hubbard has had one hell of a task ahead of him. The Saudi government is essentially locked down. They have complete control over the flow of information, and MBS is at the helm of all of that. There are things known about him, but usually what is known is what people have let slip anonymously, or what someone like Hubbard, who has a boatload of experience in the realm, can understand and read into complex situations.

This book tells the evolution and PR campaign of a nation, with MBS at its core, rather than a book about MBS with all this other stuff floating around him. I think MBS himself is more like the glue that holds it all together, and so much of this gets traced back to him. This is a pretty good way to attack a book in general, because MBS doesn’t have a whole lot of personal life that is known enough to talk about.

Saudi Arabia is sort of going through a reinvention right now, with MBS the visionary (sort of?) at the helm of this ship, charting its new course. There is a whole lot of cultural flux going on, and there’s blowback by both conservative factions and liberal. A lot of this is covered, exploring these issues from both conservative and more liberal Saudis. With Hubbard’s experience in the realm and his knowledge of language and culture, I felt like he did a very good job at showing me not a Westerner’s view of how these things are happening, but a Saudi’s view of all this change, through interviews done with prominent clarics, and just people he runs across at events.

MBS is a young man. He’s got young ideals. He was a sort of far-flung member of the Saudi royal family, and it has been through a boggling amount of events, both natural and manipulated (natural deaths of uncles and etc, for example, and his withholding diabetes medication from MBN, who was the crown prince, until he forcefully abdicated his position) that he moved up to the position he is in today, and a whole lot has happened in his rise. A whole lot that has played a big role in international politics, like the war in Yemin, women driving, entertainment being allowed back in the country, a sort of defanging of the religious police, the kidnapping of the PM of Lebanon, and, of course, the death of Jamal Khashoggi.

This is all covered, and I was honestly surprised by just how much all of these big events have MBS as a control piece. With his father, King Salman in failing health, MBS has been both the first and second power broker in Saudi Arabia for quite some time. He is a man who has a certain vision for his country, but often the means he uses to attain that vision left me feeling like he had an unrealistic vision of the world, or maybe he’s just got a very loose grasp on reality? I don’t exactly know, but sometimes the divide between “I think journalists should report on what is happening in Saudi Arabia” and “So I’m going to murder Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey and have his body chopped into pieces by 15 people who did a really bad job at hiding their identities, who are also directly tied to my personal house” was… something to behold. I guess the lines connecting the end goal to the actions to attain those end goals might only be obvious to him, but to me it was just surreal with how disjointed his stated desires and actual actions often felt.

For example, he locked up all these powerful business owners, power brokers, and political influencers, as well as family members in the Ritz Carlton Hotel, forcing them to sign over vast swaths of their wealth, sometimes torturing them (One person reportedly died in custody, others claimed they were electrocuted, there were reports of sleep deprivation and etc). The aim of this particular game was to “cut down on corruption” and to be clear, there is a lot of corruption in Saudi Arabia. A good chunk of the populous cheered about this, because corruption is a big deal, and it’s all over, and a problem. Yay, finally someone is taking care of the problem.

But.

MBS, since his rise to power, has accumulated a boatload of money, and he hasn’t accounted for how he got any of it. He bought “the most expensive house in the world” which is located in France. According to my Google searches, I don’t think the guy has ever set foot in the place. He bought a yacht for half a billion dollars. He threw down something like $400 million on a Leonardo da Vinci piece, which is the most any private buyer has ever spent on art, ever. He rented a private island and threw a big party there, bringing in all sorts of performers, prostitutes, and cocaine. I mean, the guy is LOADED. And this kind of shows the dysfunction that I think this book highlighted the most. The end justifies the means, maybe, in his eyes. And the means are often brutal, horrible, and ill-planned. He’s had one PR nightmare after another, and he’s killed and arrested, brutally silenced a ton of people.

On the other hand, women can drive now, and Saudi Arabia is bringing some “government approved” entertainment back, so yay?

I think, maybe I’m left with this impression. He’s brutally consolidating his wealth and power, and he’s using “let’s modernize our country and make it a fun place to live again” as the curtain he’s operating behind.

The writing in this book was fantastic. There really wasn’t a slow moment throughout the piece. Everything connects to everything else. Once the ball starts rolling, it really just picks up pace until the explosive ending. Hubbard has a great way with building a bridge between Saudi Arabia, a culture not many of us understand, and the wider Western world. He doesn’t state his opinions on what is happening, but it is hard not to hear is disquiet, his disapproval, his worry over how a lot of these things are going to play out. Mostly, I found it fascinating to see how Saudi Arabia has a huge role in not just the Middle East, but the wider world, and why the US is so connected with them– something I didn’t quite grok until I read this book. With someone as unpredictable and often just stupid (and, let’s face it, BRUTAL and CRIMINAL can fit in here, as well) about actions as MBS, there is real concern with how all of this will play out.

It’s a book that left me torn down the middle. On the one hand, I really do genuinely hope that a lot of these social reforms pan out the way people over there want them to. Progress is important, and I think Saudi Arabia is due for a good dose of it. On the other hand, MBS has complete and absolute control over this nation and the people in it. He is silencing journalists, putting family members on house arrest, torturing people, and starting huge regional wars. He is dangerous, and unpredictable, and seems to not be nearly as smart as he thinks he is, so I’m not exactly sure where this will all end up, but it is worth watching.

This book is a must read for anyone with any interest at all in this sort of thing.
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Revealing portrait of the Prince who could one day rule Saudi Arabia

The relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States has always been something of an enigma. Saudi Arabia is a religiously repressive society that exports a highly conservative version of Islam and may, or may not, provide shelter for terrorists. Not the type of country that the United States would normally befriend. But the two countries have remained close allies primarily because Saudi Arabia sells oil to the United States and the United States sells billions of dollars of military equipment to Saudi Arabia.

The relationship between the two countries appeared to be fraying in the final days of the Obama administration. But then a new member of the House of Saud appeared. Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salmon (known as MBS) announced that Saudi Arabia was going to build a modern multi-billion dollar project to attract new business to the country that would reduce its reliance on oil production. He promised to reduce religious repression by allowing women to drive, opening cinemas and allowing music concerts. And he conducted diplomacy in a modern way – by exchanging messages on Whatsapp with President Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner.

So who is MBS? And will he really bring change to Saudi Arabia? In his book, MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohamed bin Salman, Ben Hubbard, who has worked as a reporter from the Middle East for 12 years, does a remarkable job of introducing the real MBS to the reader.

Hubbard adeptly chronicles the history of Saudi Arabia and the House of Saud. He explains the unlikely circumstances of MBS’ ascendance to the position of Crown Prince. And he describes MBS’s announced plans for economic development and modernization of Saudi Arabia society.

But he also suggests that there might be a darker side to MBS. For example, he discusses MBS’ possible involvement in the murder of author Jamal Khashoggi, the strong-arming of Muhammad bin Nayef, MBS’ cousin who abdicated the title of Crown Prince in favor of MBS, the detention of over 350 Saudi royals and businessmen who were forced to turn over much of their fortunes to the state and Saudi Arabia’s killing of civilians during its participation in the war in Yemen.

Hubbard does not predict where Saudi Arabia is likely to go from here. But he paints an intimate portrait of the man who might lead them there. Hubbard is one of those rare writers who can take a complex subject and make it readily accessible to almost any reader. I wish I had had someone like him to teach me calculus when I was in high school.

I give this book 5 stars and recommend it for anyone who has the slightest curiosity about Saudi Arabia and its relationship to the United States.
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Think the Khashoggi Murder Was Bigger than Aramco or Iran/Saudi Relations? This is your book

The book is okay but it makes it out to be that the biggest thing in Saudi history is the Khashoggi murder.
What about Aramco? What about the Petrodollar? What about Putin and Saudi? What about Iran and the Nukes? Sorry but the big story in Saudi Arabia is not Khashoggi and women's rights -- it is oil. Without oil, nobody would care about Saudi Arabia.

The actual important things to business are not talked about in this book. It is mostly a drama and rumor mill book.